Israel faces soldier shortages as reservists struggle with extended duty, ultra-Orthodox draft tensions, and war's economic impact.
Yoav Adomi has already spent nearly six months on reserve duty since Israel’s conflict with Hamas began, leaving his job in insurance technology in Tel Aviv, along with his wife and children.
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About 350,000 other Israelis are in similar situations, putting personal and professional obligations aside to assist in the Gaza campaign or defend against Hezbollah’s aerial assaults in the north, backed by Iran.
This strain reflects Israel’s difficulty in expanding its military ranks without causing a workforce shortage that could hurt the economy. Meanwhile, tensions grow over the ultra-Orthodox community’s reluctance to fulfill national service duties.
Though Israel’s army is large by international standards, with 170,000 active personnel in a country of 10 million, it has proven insufficient to handle modern threats. This became clear on October 7, when Hamas militants broke through the lightly secured Gaza border, and even more so as the country now fights on multiple fronts. The army’s former strategy, emphasizing high-tech solutions over manpower, now seems outdated.
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Adomi, 44, facing another two months of reserve duty this fall, said, “It’s obvious this can’t continue like this, and change is necessary. Too few are carrying the load.”
This shortage has drawn attention to the ultra-Orthodox community, comprising 13% of the population, many of whom don’t serve in the military. Israel’s Supreme Court ruled in June that long-standing exemptions be eliminated to help alleviate the issue, a decision that has sparked protests.
Despite continued public support for the war, the need for military reinforcements remains pressing. Efforts by the U.S., Egypt, and Qatar to broker a cease-fire between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hamas have stalled for months. Hezbollah, meanwhile, has vowed to keep launching rockets from Lebanon as long as the Gaza conflict persists, and other militant factions pose additional threats.
Employers also feel the impact, as businesses operate with reduced staff. This contributed to last year’s dip in economic growth to 2%, about half the finance ministry’s forecast before the war started, with a further slowdown to 1.1% expected in 2024.
Menashe Tamir, owner of Eshet Eilon Industries Ltd., an agricultural equipment company, faces staffing challenges as both his top managers — his sons — were called to reserve duty for nearly 180 days when the war began. Tamir said, “We had to take over their roles, which of course slowed things down and was less efficient.”
Evolving Policy
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Israel’s military manpower policies originally aimed to create a “people’s army,” integrating Jewish immigrants from Europe and the Middle East into one national identity.
At age 18, citizens were drafted for up to three years, followed by reserve service that could involve several weeks of annual training or guard duty.
As technology advanced and the population grew, the universal draft became less crucial, and service requirements were relaxed. This made financial sense as well, with defense spending exceeding 20% of GDP in the 1970s and 1980s, straining the economy and fueling inflation.
Arab citizens, who make up 20% of the population, have always been exempt from military service, and there has been little pressure to change this. However, amid war, the exemption granted to ultra-Orthodox Jews has become a source of social tension.
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In 1948, when Israel was founded, a small number of ultra-Orthodox men studying in religious seminaries were exempt from military service. Today, their numbers have grown, with an estimated 60,000 draft-age ultra-Orthodox men who haven’t served in the military.
Secular Israelis and many modern-Orthodox citizens now demand that the ultra-Orthodox, known as Haredim, share the burden. This resentment has deepened due to the casualties among combat soldiers in Gaza.
Military historian and Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security fellow Yagil Henkin stated, “Some of them need to be drafted. There are far too few bearing the burden.”
Protests outside army offices have occasionally turned violent, as demonstrators attempt to prevent ultra-Orthodox men from enlisting.
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Yitzhak Deri, a protestor, told a TV reporter, “We’ll fight against this and shut down the country if necessary. The ultra-Orthodox don’t belong in the army. The army is secular; they are heretics.”
Since mass conscription of the ultra-Orthodox seems unfeasible, the army has enacted temporary measures to boost numbers. These include a draft law extending military service by several months and new regulations raising the call-up age.
Additionally, hundreds of former combat soldiers, already past the typical age limit, have volunteered.
Among them is Yoaz Hendel, 49, a former communications minister, who helped organize a battalion of ex-special forces, mostly men in their 40s and 50s. Though they are no longer in peak physical condition, Hendel said, they are still capable of completing missions, and have successfully fought for several months in Gaza.
“We need to ensure our borders are secure and that we can protect Israel’s citizens,” Hendel remarked. “The only real solution is to have boots on the ground.”